It's not that the act is unconstitutional, it's that the interpretation of it that the DoJ has been selling to magistrate judges in ex parte hearings is extremely broad and would never survive appeal.
The Supreme Court has made it very clear in multiple rulings that A) The AWA is certainly constitutional and B) it is extremely narrow in its powers and it doesn't grant courts anything even remotely similar to the powers the FBI has been pressuring magistrate judges into believing it has.
So, essentially, by avoiding a highly publicized appeals smackdown, the FBI can still convince magistrates to issue wildly out-of-line AWA writs, and use those writs to pressure companies/people into doing things they wouldn't be held to if they had the time/money to actually appeal.
edit:
> The All Writs Act goes back to 1789 and is used for all sorts of things, like wire tapping, obtaining call and ISP records, etc
Also, I see this mistake a lot (I'm not saying you're making it, but it's a pretty common one). The AWA doesn't actually give the government the power to wire tap things, etc. There are separate statutes that authorize wiretapping. All the AWA does, per the Supreme Court, is give courts the authority to issue common law writs in the course of carrying out powers conferred by some other statute. The AWA is described as being a source of "residual" (secondary) power that only acts to help carry out some primary source of authority.
The DoJ has been pushing an argument that the AWA is a source of primary power in-and-of-itself in any area of law where congress hasn't passed a law saying a court can't do X thing, and the writs don't have to have antecedents in common law. This more-or-less contradicts any number of Supreme Court rulings. They've only been getting away with it because they get a magistrate Judge to issue them by asking for them in "emergency" ex parte hearings, meaning the other side isn't present to offer a competing argument, which the FBI excuses by arguing its a time-sensitive matter (even though it generally isn't). One of the amicus briefs in this case was submitted by 32 law professors, who pointed out that this violates due process.
I'm pretty sure NewEgg was recently taken to court by a patent troll, and after the troll realized that NewEgg fights instead of paying, they backed off. Then NewEgg sued to get a judgement that would guarantee this couldn't happen to them again.
I know this is a different venue and there are topical differences. But are you absolutely certain that there is no counter-action Apple (or any company, for that matter) can pursue to get a judgment about this?
Newegg's actions were different, in that the patent owner's dropping the suit didn't actually resolve the question of infringement. It was still out there, and the patent owner could re-file suit at any point in the future. Between now and then, if Newegg were in fact infringing, monetary damages would continue to pile up. So the uncertainty can have a pretty significant impact on business decisions and impair their ability to operate. A request for declaratory judgment seeks to resolve that uncertainty so that both parties can get back to normal.
For Newegg, the request accomplishes a few things. It lets them clear the air, indirectly help solve the resulting from the remaining suits against retailers selling Rosewill products, and it's the legal equivalent of spiking the football and giving the troll a swift kick in the nuts. Minero Digital now gets to defend itself in a Delaware court, absent all of the little advantages of East Texas. It's a rather bad break for them.
Honestly, if I were a patent troll, I'd be scared shitless to send a letter to someone like Newegg. With their stance on patent suits, they're exactly the sort of company that would preemptively file a request for declaratory judgment after they were contacted.
While nuisance suits from private actors can totally be ruinous, the potential for harm from government actors is so much greater.
(1) See middle of page 5 here: http://www.nuff.ox.ac.uk/users/klemperer/WhyEveryEconomist.p... Where he debunks Dan Quayle's court reform ideas
That's not at all a similar question. We're talking about staking the following strategy through the heart:
* Some part of USGov makes an overreaching legal demand using a really shaky (perhaps unsupportable) legal argument.
* They get a magistrate to issue an order in an "emergency" ex parte hearing
Now either:
* USGov presents that court order to a small and/or legally clueless business who says: "This is a court order! I have to comply with it, else I get in trouble!". USGov gets what they wanted and gets to bully another unwary victim with the same bullshit tactic
or
* USGov presents that court order to a larger and/or legally savvy business who examines it and says: "No. This is bullshit."
* That company goes to the court and tells the court why the order is bullshit
* The court quietly mumbles: "USGov... they're right, looks like it's bullshit."
* USGov goes: "Oops! We really didn't need that anyway!", withdraws the request, and retries it at a later day with a less savvy victim
So, completely different situations.
If USGov had to keep pushing such cases through if the defendant demanded that they be pushed through, what you'd get is what we get when Newegg fights patent trolls: evisceration of bullies, thugs, and the chicanery that permits them to operate.
It's frustrating enough that code impact is completely unrelated to code size. I would rather our law not be the same way, but who am I to criticize.
Short answer: It really doesn't.
But if you can talk fast and convince magistrate judges to issue writs ex parte (no one is there to oppose you), you can get a lot of mileage out of writs that wouldn't survive an appeal. Most people won't have the time, money, or inclination to challenge them.
Even then, magistrate judges have been pushing back. The FBI's going to get slapped for this in the long run. But the long game here is that Comey was hoping public outrage against Apple would convince them to fold and play along with the writ, or nudge congress into giving it the powers it wants. The former clearly isn't working out, but the latter still may.
> The AWA seems to be a very small piece of law, and using it in the way it's being used seems against the spirit of it.
Bingo. It's also against established case law in the opinion of a very large number of people.
The controversial part is what the AWA authorizes (if anything) beyond those pre-existing types of writs. Apple's position was "not much, if anything". The government's was, in effect, "anything not specifically denied by a law passed by Congress" -- which attracted heavy criticism, not only from Apple's lawyers, but also from many highly qualified lawyers who submitted amicus briefs.
http://www.usnews.com/news/articles/2016-02-23/bill-gates-on...
So, when it comes to wiretapping, there are specific statutes that authorize wiretapping in such-and-such circumstances. The court can then issue writs as needed to carry that out, provided the writs meet fairly narrow criteria (not overly burdensome, only targeted at an entity "close to" the case at hand, only targeted at an entity whose actions are "necessary" and where there's no other way to carry out the jurisdiction, rather than, say, just convenient) and the writ must have some kind of antecedent in common law, which is a somewhat fuzzy topic, but it boils down to "the writ can't just be pulled out of thin air, there's a set of traditional writs and it should appear to be consistent with that set".
The mentioned brief is a very important read, and it's on the Apple's site here:
https://www.apple.com/pr/pdf/32_Law_Professors.pdf
From the INTRODUCTION:
"First, there is a jurisdictional problem. There is no basis in the record for this Court to assert Article III jurisdiction to issue or enforce the February 16, 2016 Order (“the Apple Order”). The search warrant’s authority is already exhausted and the government’s motion to compel recognizes that CALEA (“Communications Assistance for Law Enforcement Act”) does not provide sufficient authority to support the Apple Order. Rather, the government’s request rests solely on the All Writs Act. However, the All Writs Act is not an original source of federal jurisdiction and cannot support the government’s motion or this Court’s order. The All Writs Act merely provides a source of residual authority where such jurisdiction independently exists.
Second, the underlying Order is invalid because it deprives Apple of liberty and property without due process of law. The government initially took the time to seek Apple’s help outside the judicial process. Only after Apple declined did the government file its ex parte application, which did not allow Apple an opportunity to respond. Even though Apple has now had an opportunity to respond to the government’s motion to compel, the underlying Apple Order itself was issued in violation of due process and must be vacated.
Third, CALEA and ECPA (“Electronic Communications Privacy Act”) govern the substantive validity of the Order and set out telecommunications carriers’ obligations to assist law enforcement. Significantly, when Congress enacted CALEA, it exempted “information services,” which includes certain services that Apple provides, from that requirement. The Supreme Court has instructed that where a statutory scheme governs a particular subject matter, the All Writs Act’s residual power does not.
Finally, no court has ever issued a valid order that imposes an equivalent burden on a non-party. Our research has not found any case that uses the All Writs Act to require a third-party private entity to design and create new software. Some courts have compelled disclosure of already-existing information in cases where the All Writs Act is found applicable. In contrast, the order the government demands in this case would require substantial expenditures of time and talent above and beyond what is appropriate under the All Writs Act. This point is particularly alarming where Apple has made a deliberate decision to exclude the features that the government now demands."
But the weird thing is that, from the beginning, most legal experts thought the likely outcome would be that All Writs would be found too broad, so the FBI had to have been suffering from some hubris + bad legal council. So maybe someone with enough muscle finally called them out on it?
Don't they already have a precedent when they shut down Truecrypt some years ago?
There was a case where the FBI wanted to force someone to divulge his (I think) TrueCrypt keys, which was found to be a fifth amendment issue, in favor of the defendant.
https://www.apple.com/pr/pdf/32_Law_Professors.pdf
"No court has ever issued a valid order that imposes an equivalent burden on a non-party. Our research has not found any case that uses the All Writs Act to require a third-party private entity to design and create new software. Some courts have compelled disclosure of already-existing information in cases where the All Writs Act is found applicable. In contrast, the order the government demands in this case would require substantial expenditures of time and talent above and beyond what is appropriate under the All Writs Act. This point is particularly alarming where Apple has made a deliberate decision to exclude the features that the government now demands."
http://thehill.com/policy/cybersecurity/273482-senate-intel-...
What made this case different was that it was not about a simple warrant for data held by Apple.
Remember, the requirement for a warrent doesn't apply to non-US persons outside the USA. Us europeans have no protection from the 4th amendment for data held in US servers. And in fact, the US gov is trying to claim we don't have protection if it's held in a non-US server run by a US company!
"nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws."
Which sounds like all people should have the same protection from unlawful searches ... as I'm a conditional law novice can someone briefly outline why this doesn't stand, what removed the protections for "all people" (note the preceding section refers to citizens, so all people is clearly a distinct class).
Is it that the federal nature of the FBI means they are above state law?
Specifically it says:
> With regard to EU citizens, the [US] Supreme Court has held that foreign citizens resident abroad are not covered by the Fourth Amendment.
It appears to be based on this Supreme Court case[2]: United States v. Verdugo-Urquidez
[1] http://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/STUD/2015/51921... [2] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_v._Verdugo-Urqui...
However, the FBI must abide by the 4th amendment, which specifies that warrants are needed for searches. The issue of whether data of foreigners located on US soil is subject to warrant-less search/inspection is a matter of interpreting the 4th amendment.
If the 4th requires warrants and the 14th requires state to treat all people as having equal protection under the law in their jurisdiction I don't see where the FBI can go [legally speaking] to do warrantless search of foreign nationals.
In short, how then can a State allow the FBI to operate within its jurisdiction in a way that doesn't provide all people equal legal protections. The State would have to prevent the FBI from operating?
Thanks for any further insights.
And the interpretation is that a warrent isn't needed. The 4th doesn't protect me.
Apple has already given them Farook's iCloud backups, just not recent ones since they don't exist. If Alice was murdered, and Bob was circumstantially implicated, but had an iPhone that had some kind of data recorded that placed him at the time and location of the murder, what law exists for Apple to protect Bob's data if that data was uploaded to Apple for backup purposes?
Sure, it would be nice for Apple to oppose even "valid" warrants for iCloud data backups, because I trust them to keep my data safe on my device, so why should I have a reduced expectation of privacy when using their services. After all, they have billions in cash in some Scrooge McDuck mansion just waiting to be spent on lawyer fees, right? /s
I agree that the second case - court order to create new software - is a lot more obvious and clear, and deserves opposition in court.
The reason I'm being so pedantic is that it's important to disagree with the notion that corporations should roll over in any situation that involves claims of terrorism. Lots of people think that, but it throws away an important part of our legal system.
I'm not saying they're wrong to obey court orders.
I'm saying that people will be saying that Apple fight against court orders when in fact they don't usually fight the court orders. They normally give out the information.
When warrants are clearly legal, there is nothing they can do to fight them.
They only give out the information they are legally forced to do, and are doing everything in their legal and technical power to reduce that as much as possible.
The idea that the Govt can only issue "valid" warrants is flawed. The Government is just people, and like everyday citizens like myself, we're perfectly capable of breaking laws, either unintentionally (eg, giving a lift to a friend who has undisclosed controlled substances on their person (state dependent)) or intentionally (eg, murder).
There are extremists within any group. These folks do not want to bother fighting the government for rights because they think the public is too dumb and the government will win that fight. In thinking this way, they become apathetic themselves.
They're not all bad. Some of them contributed a lot to free software. But some times the ideas are toxic and hold people back from their best.
For example, many believe Snowden deserves a full pardon, and anything short of that is wrong. Well, Snowden himself has said he would return to face a fair trial. So it seems we are divided on some issues, and that can weaken our side in fighting for digital rights.
My response to these types of comments is precisely - when it is demonstrated that people make laws rather than governments in collusion with corporations - then I will pay attention.
Why the focus on property rights? Much libertarian thought is expended on equating freedom to how you/others interact with property. It hardly gives credence to other man made rights that should be equally, if not more, recognized.
When you look at the group of people it dogmatically and absolutely resolves, and who funds think-tanks promoting the ideology, it is the well-propertied.
I find it hard to believe that all other freedom can be derived from and ensured by deifying property rights.
That's interesting, since the National Laboratories employ tens of thousands of people who not only use Linux, but use Linux at work. Perhaps you should let the FBI know about this so they can revoke their security clearances?
> My response to these types of comments is precisely - when it is demonstrated that people make laws rather than governments in collusion with corporations - then I will pay attention.
This sounds like an excuse to selectively not follow any laws you don't like. The core law surrounding warrants in the US, which is sufficient for a lot of cases (no All Writs Act or FISA needed), are in the Constitution and some very early bills. Were these also made by collusions between the government and the corporations?
Remember when Snowden first revealed the Prism program? All the tech companies issued similar statements saying they want to tell people more, but did not have permission from the US government. For example, Apple said,
> Like several other companies, we have asked the U.S. government for permission to report how many requests we receive related to national security and how we handle them. We have been authorized to share some of that data, and we are providing it here in the interest of transparency. [1]
Also, I'm sure Yahoo would've loved to rally support from its users when the government was threatening to fine them $250,000 per day for refusing to hand over data, but they were not allowed to tell anyone [2]
I do believe the government was doing what they thought was right to protect public safety. However, they don't understand technology. Ted Lieu is about the only guy in Congress who does. We need a bit more representation there to have our voices heard, whether through electing Congressmen with CS backgrounds, independent lobbying like the EFF, or just better tech reporting and questioning in the White House daily briefs.
The existence of the FISA courts is something we should be scrutinizing more. Former NSA Director Hayden pointed out in one interview that we're the only country who has such secret courts. With these courts, democracy is circumvented. Currently, the public is not able to participate in the discussion of what's right on some major issues that have far reaching impact.
[1] http://www.apple.com/apples-commitment-to-customer-privacy/
[2] http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/sep/11/yahoo-nsa-lawsu...
My understanding is people who are serious about security do not currently depend on Apple. Those folks use open source software and build it themselves. That said, I'm still interested in defending Apple's position (and not necessarily Apple) because I want our government to understand how to maintain public safety. Relying on access to people's phones, going forward, is not the right way to do that. You could argue that I am advocating privacy, but I'd say I am more in support of security.
Plus, extremely large and powerful companies do not play by the same rules as the rest of us. You aren't going to see the government risk serious economic damage just to enforce some laws. Wall Street is a case in point. When huge companies decide whether to fight unjust laws or acquiesce, their choices have a major impact on the political equation.
For many years all tech companies have, as expected, complied with warrants. We don't expect otherwise.
Now, in this one case, Apple is fighting the warrant.
And some people are saying "Look how great Apple is; they really care about your privacy".
Well, no, not really. Apple isn't as bad as some, but they still gather too much data and they still (as they should) obey any warrant they're given.
Hate or support the game, not the player. Stand up for ideas, not people.
They probably thought that if it came down to a PR battle, assuming Apple didn't just roll over for fear of the PR consequences of "obstructing a terror investigation," they had it in the bag. Turns out? Not so much.
That isn't good PR for Apple.
Whether the government is just lying, in order to save face, remains to be seen - somebody with more knowledge of the technology at hand may be able to comment.
A savvy judge would not allow the Department of Justice to cancel the hearing just to avoid setting a precedent.
It's up against the biggest companies in the world, the US public, and the international community. And now it's backing down with its tail btw its legs, and telling a silly story to save face.
https://www.justsecurity.org/29634/readers-guide-magistrate-...
(I'd read the links to the articles in the blog itself.)
Totally agree with the broader point (I think they're scared of a restrictive precedent), but I don't think a law that's been on the books for two hundred plus years is going to be out and out declared unconstitutional. It's extremely broad in the number of domains of application but that doesn't necessarily mean that it grants overly broad power.
If you are in the game of trying to sell something better than Apple, you better have a pack of actual wizards casting spells on your side ala Bewitched.
The All Writs Act goes back to 1789 and is used for all sorts of things, like wire tapping, obtaining call and ISP records, etc., and now trying to force Apple to make malware for their own phone.
It's definitely a risk for the FBI to fight this battle and potentially lose a tool they use all the time. Since there is probably no new info on the phone, it may not be worth the risk of making this a big fight with a motivated and well-financed adversary like Apple.