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Re:The Slow and Painful Death of Freedom in Canada by protomyth on Sunday April 28, 2013 @03:26PM (#5622401)
So, if I were to believe your quote, a brother or sister who attacks me is more psychology damaging then a random stranger, so they should get a higher penalty. A spouse or parent should really get the extra time. Why aren't those listed?

Nope, actions are what we can measure and put on the wall. Everything else is opinion.

Re:The Slow and Painful Death of Freedom in Canada by gnosis on Sunday April 28, 2013 @03:36PM (#5622432)
So I suppose you believe that a somone who killed another person unintentionally and by accident should be punished just the same as someone who killed another person deliberately and with a lot of premeditation.

After all, the only thing that differentiates the two cases is the intent of the perpetrator. And we can't measure intent, can we? Or can we?

Re:The Slow and Painful Death of Freedom in Canada by protomyth on Sunday April 28, 2013 @04:03PM (#5622527)
No.

Intent is part of the law and action of a crime. I specifically added the self-defense part to my first post to illustrate that. Belief of the person is only important as view from the action and circumstances of the crime (eg. did this person knife the person because they were being attacked). It is generically applied to all people regardless of their own attributes (race, creed, etc.). The law is blind and we are all equal. Intent in the commission of a crime is a separate idea and has nothing to do with "hate crimes".

Re:The Slow and Painful Death of Freedom in Canada by gnosis on Sunday April 28, 2013 @04:16PM (#5622573)
Intent, or (to use the legal term) mens rea, has everything to do with hate crimes.

To quote David Neiwert yet again:

  Lawrence points to the distinction between bias crimes and their
  underlying parallel crimes, which in effect create two tiers of
  evidence for any kind of hate-crime prosecution to succeed. At both
  tiers, the criminal's mens rea is an essential component. In the first
  tier of a crime -- say, an assault -- the intent to commit the crime
  still must be established; at the second tier, both the first-level
  intent and the second-tier bias motivation must be proven. For a
  bias-crime prosecution to succeed, it must establish both tiers of
  mens rea.
  
  Thus someone who merely partakes of hate speech, with no intent to
  intimidate, is guiltless of a hate crime, because the first tier of
  motivation is absent, and thus no free-speech rights have been
  infringed upon. But because menacing and intimidation, all of which in
  fact take the form of words alone, are punishable crimes in every
  state, anyone using hate speech to terrorize his neighbors has
  partaken of a bias crime.
  
  Consider, for instance, the example of cross burning. A white
  supremacist who burns a cross at a private rally is undoubtedly
  voicing a kind of racial hate, but there has been no attempt to
  intimidate or menace anyone, and no crime has been committed.
  Likewise, someone who, say, dumped garbage on a black neighbor's lawn
  would only be guilty of harassment or intimidation, not a bias crime
  (unless, of course, evidence existed he had done so because of the
  neighbor's race). But someone who burns a cross on his neighbor's lawn
  has clearly committed a hate crime, because he has both the intent to
  intimidate and racial bias as his motivation.
  
  In this sense, hate-crime laws avoid running afoul of the First
  Amendment in the same fashion as any other of the myriad
  sentence-enhancement laws, including anti-terrorism statutes, because
  they all reflect the differences in mens rea among acts that are
  already established crimes. More to the point, there are limits to
  free-speech rights; threats and intimidation are already illegal, as
  are incitement to riot, incitement to murder, and other kinds of
  speech.
  
  And indeed the Supreme Court recently has moved in this direction in
  upholding the constitutionality of hate-crime laws. The recent
  cross-burning case, Virginia v. Black, produced a March 2003 ruling
  (authored by Sandra Day O'Connor) that followed this logic closely.
  The state of Virginia, the Court said, was well within its rights to
  outlaw cross-burnings meant to intimidate:
  
     The protections the First Amendment affords speech and expressive
     conduct are not absolute. This Court has long recognized that the
     government may regulate certain categories of expression consistent
     with the Constitution. … For example, the First Amendment permits a
     State to ban "true threats," … which encompass those statements
     where the speaker means to communicate a serious expression of an
     intent to commit an act of unlawful violence to a particular
     individual or group of individuals. … The speaker need not actually
     intend to carry out the threat. Rather, a prohibition on true
     threats protects individuals from the fear of violence and the
     disruption that fear engenders, as well as from the possibility
     that the threatened violence will occur. … Intimidation in the
     constitutionally proscribable sense of the word is a type of true
     threat, where a speaker directs a threat to a person or group of
     persons with the intent of placing the victim in fear of bodily
     harm or death.
Re:The Slow and Painful Death of Freedom in Canada by protomyth on Sunday April 28, 2013 @04:33PM (#5622631)
Look, I don't believe the premise of the person you are quoting and to put it simply without 6 poorly spaced paragraphs:

"But someone who burns a cross on his neighbor's lawn has clearly committed a hate crime"

No, they are guilty of harassment, property damage, and possibly assault depending on the legal definition in the jurisdiction.

The last paragraph does not support "hate crimes" legislation, it points out what a threat is.

Re:The Slow and Painful Death of Freedom in Canada by gnosis on Sunday April 28, 2013 @05:06PM (#5622776)
"No, they are guilty of harassment, property damage, and possibly assault depending on the legal definition in the jurisdiction."

Well, according to the hate crime legislation Neiwert is referring to, they are guilty of commiting a hate crime.

Whether they should be guilty of commiting a hate crime (depending on your opinion of the worth of hate crime legislation) or whether that hate crime legislation itself should exist is debatable, and you can argue one way or the other. But it is clear that a violation of the existing hate crime legislation has occurred in the example given by Neiwert above, for the reasons he gives.

As for your implication that the underlying crimes of harrassment, property damager, and assault are enough, I refer you to the second half of an earlier Niewert quote I posted above.[1]

"The last paragraph does not support "hate crimes" legislation, it points out what a threat is."

A threat to whom exactly? To people who single out others based on their race, color, creed, sexual orientation, ethnicity, national origin, religion or gender and commit harrassment, property damage, and assault "with the intent of placing the victim in fear of bodily harm or death"?

I sure hope they feel threatened. Because they need to realize that our society will not tolerate these sorts of actions, just as society has less tolerance for deliberate, premeditated killing than it does for unintentional, accidental killing.

Intent does matter, and that's what hate crime legislation is a recognition of.

[1] - https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=5622339

Re:The Slow and Painful Death of Freedom in Canada by protomyth on Sunday April 28, 2013 @06:22PM (#5623037)
I believe all "hate crime" legislation is bunk and sets up unfair interpretations of situations. The threat is to a fellow human and it should be punished in the same way no matter the classification of the victim. Equal means equal under the law. Anything else is a political stunt.
Re:The Slow and Painful Death of Freedom in Canada by gnosis on Sunday April 28, 2013 @06:51PM (#5623139)
"it should be punished in the same way no matter the classification of the victim"

Hate crime legislation does not protect people based on "the classification of the victim". It protects everyone equally.

Maybe you missed it, but David Neiwert pointed this out in one of the quotes I pasted above.[1]

  None of these laws specify the race or ethnicity or religion
  of the victims -- rather, they are focused solely on the
  motivations of the perpetrator. A person need not be actually
  gay to be the victim of a gay-bashing hate crime; he need only
  have been perceived as gay by someone who specifically set out
  to assault homosexuals. This is only logical, since the
  terroristic motivation of the assault is present in either
  case.

  Moreover, the laws protect everyone equally. Majority whites
  are victims of bias crimes too, and every year there are over
  a thousand prosecutions for such cases. (Indeed, the
  definitive Supreme Court case, Wisconsin v. Mitchell, involved
  a black man accused of fomenting a hate crime against a couple
  of white teens.) Check the FBI statistics for yourself.
[1] - https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=5622339
Re:The Slow and Painful Death of Freedom in Canada by protomyth on Sunday April 28, 2013 @08:44PM (#5623521)
That is bunk, plain and simple. A crime against an accepted classification will get more play than one without. Look at the discussion on college admissions and Asian students to see how unfair this stuff is in real life. Anytime you venture too far into subjective criteria over objective leads to serious trouble.